Geoffrey Gowlland earned his Ph. He has conducted research on crafts and apprenticeship in China and Taiwan, and more recently has been investigating the revival of crafts among the indigenous people of Taiwan. Her research focuses on politics and aesthetics, especially as related to xii List of Contributors embodiment and commodity capitalism. She has published numerous articles across a range of fields, and authored and edited seven books including A Companion to the Anthropology of the Body and Embodiment She served as Editor-in-Chief of American Anthropologist from to She focuses on Muslim working-class experiences in India.
She has published on colonialism, nationalism, craft, and heritage. Her other work examines the confluence of religion, piety, and labor. Dawn Nafus is a Senior Research Scientist at Intel Labs, where she conducts anthropological research to inspire new product development.
Her Ph. Elisha P. Her current research focuses on Islamic reform and textile history in Nigeria. Daniela K. Through fieldwork and design, her research reveals surprising connections between technology development and handwork. She holds a Ph. Her specific research interests center on social class and educational systems, craft production and consumption in late capitalism, race and ethnicity, migration, law, and juvenile and immigration courts in France and the United States.
Unaccompanied, Undocumented Children in U. Immigration Custody She has had an interest in artisanal jewelry and experienced migration first hand from an early age. The investigation presented in this volume, combining these two interests, is a product of her research at Universidad de Costa Rica.
Clare M. Her research focuses on the social organization of art and media production in India. Acknowledgments C ritical Craft is the result of an impromptu meeting between the editors in at a small departmental talk at University College London, and is thus a nod toward the importance of informal and serendipitous academic conversation. We have been working together and shortly afterward alongside an amazing group of authors since that time. To each other and the group that allowed us to continue, enrich, and ultimately publish this conversation we owe a great debt.
But we also owe many others: we thank Leslie C. Aiello, Laurie Obbink and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropology for their generous workshop grant that allowed us the time and space to meet with our authors and integrate this book in valuable ways.
To our Bloomsbury support team—Louise Butler, who brought us into the fold; Jennifer Schmidt, who took over from Louise with nary a bump; to Molly Beck and Abbie Sharman, editorial assistant and designer—our thanks for your patience and professionalism. Numerous reviewers, including the two anonymous reviewers of our manuscript not only gave of their time but provided us with extremely helpful suggestions and gratifyingly positive support more than once along the way.
Both of our universities were very generous in their support. Washington State University Vancouver was gracious enough to provide us with space and logistical support for the two-day seminar that allowed us all to meet and integrate our work more fully.
Linda Campbell was invaluable for her work on the practical details of the event. In the later stages of preparing the manuscript we benefited enormously from a short stay at the Whiteley Center at the University of Washington Friday Harbor Laboratories on a writing retreat. Oxford College of Emory University provided generous travel grants over a two-year span of time as well as financial assistance for administration, and we especially thank Patricia Owen-Smith and Kenneth Anderson for their ongoing support.
There are numerous others who have helped and encouraged us in the long passage from concept to publication. Daniel Miller deserves a call out for re-introducing us at that fateful department talk at UCL. Holly Tavel and Dale Strouse were instrumental in helping us finalize the text and some of the images, and Janice Cole was responsible for one of the photographs xvi Acknowledgments on the cover. Wilkinson-Weber W hy study craft? Perhaps more pointedly, how does one attempt such a thing in a globalizing, urbanizing world of technology and the fastpaced movement of people, things, and ideas?
There is ample evidence that the non-industrialized, the local, the particular, and the handmade still intrigue us, but it is less clear why an academic study of the apparently old-fashioned might be anything but quaint. We intend this book to put the study of craft front and center in anthropology and the wider social sciences by arguing that craft is a vital and fertile means to understand relationships between places, people, and time.
Craft, like history, is a tool that people use to negotiate their roles and places within the material and social environment. We are less interested in defining craft or even defining a subfield around the study of craft and more interested in the ways that craft as a discourse and 2 CRITICAL CRAFT praxis help people tell themselves, their communities, their connections, and their classes.
We maintain that the study of artisanship and craft must push back against traditionalizing and marginalizing discourses. We set out to unpack the category of crafts without being reductionist; to probe problems of authorship, access and value; and to critique the notions of craft as either relic or revival, situating crafts inside shifting social and historical contexts.
A collaborative project The seeds of this book lie in a series of exchanges between the editors, both scholars of South Asia, long before the idea of bringing together scholars to debate the theme of craft occurred to us. We Wilkinson-Weber and DeNicola first met in when DeNicola was starting work on hand-block printing in Rajasthan, and Wilkinson was beginning a new project on the culture of film production.
We had both been thinking about how craft in the ethnographic contexts we were familiar with raised troubling questions to do with labor, identity, and ideology. In order to contextualize the questions that vexed us, we began by reflecting on the place of craft in the discipline of anthropology and the range of ethnographic investigations into craft that had been made.
Craft did not, as it turned out, vanish, but as anthropology matured as a discipline and began to focus on problems of social and political organization, cognition, and symbolism, or environment and ecology, interest in craft diffused into specialist sub-fields like museum anthropology, visual anthropology, the anthropology of art, and the anthropology of work.
Anthropological examinations of craft and art production were often comfortably housed in region-specific literatures, notably West Africa e. Ottenberg ; Introduction 3 Thompson , and the Pacific e. Forge ; Munn where the investigation of indigenous aesthetics and symbolism tested existing definitions of both art and craft. Diamond ; Mintz ; Wolf Meanwhile in a break with the conventional focus of art historians and anthropologists of art, Nelson Graburn , began to describe and theorize tourist arts.
From the s onwards, two theoretical trends had an impact on writing about craft. The rise of practice theory led anthropologists to view social life as, in essence, a set of structured improvisations Bourdieu , This approach opened the door for some memorable work on the constitutive nature of craft, in other words, the ways in which it constructs a category of makers at the same time as they make the objects with which they are associated see Greenough ; Kondo and Herzfeld as late as Meanwhile, exciting initiatives in the study of material culture see Appadurai ; Buchli et al.
Yet in spite of many compelling ethnographies coming out in subsequent decades that touched centrally upon craft e. Adams ; Buechler and Buechler ; Hendrickson , the centrality of these studies for the discipline was infrequently acknowledged. Those of us working on craft knew there were important issues yet to be articulated, and connections to the wider field to be made. The response was both robust and eclectic and we found ourselves in the un enviable position of having to turn excellent papers away.
All the papers were circulated and later discussed in a two-day 4 CRITICAL CRAFT symposium in , where our agenda was to question the utility of certain categorizations, and draw attention to the contradictions within the arena of labor and value that craft is seen to inhabit. Now three years after our initial probing into the dilemmas that craft posed in our symposium, craft is being energized by a crop of interdisciplinary studies in design, technology, and digital domains.
After years of wondering where our work fit, we find that this volume comes at a particularly auspicious moment. A number of books have come out in recent years all arguing robustly for the continuing relevance of craft in the contemporary world Sennett ; Adamson , Alfondy and so on.
Also striking are the ethnographic studies of artisanal and fine food production, in which body techniques and the minutiae of craft practice take center stage, whether bread Buechler , handmade chocolate Terrio , cheese-mongering Paxson , or foie gras Heath and Meneley Even mathematicians and technology workers have begun to refer to their labor as craft.
Additionally, and crucially, we felt it was important to draw upon an eclectic sample of studies from a variety of geographical locations. Now that craft could plainly be seen in a variety of settings, we thought it important to ask why craft is so ubiquitous, so sought after, and yet so varied? Anthropology is potentially well equipped to help answer these questions, since it provides us with studies of great ethnographic depth among particular communities, while recognizing that the movement of geographically specific, heritage-imbued crafts and the appearance of crafting in unexpected contexts spans the globe.
We agree entirely on the last point, since to direct attention seriously and respectfully towards the practitioner is at the heart of the anthropological commitment to grasp the meanings of the everyday and the ordinary. Unlike Geertz, however, we are also interested in what apologists both inside and outside craft practice have to say.
Producers, designers, consumers, and policy makers use descriptors like tradition, authenticity, the handmade, integrity and so on to negotiate value in the marketplace, but the connection between discourse and actual relations Introduction 5 and practices is typically a great deal more complex than what is implied.
Who claims the right to speak about craft? In so doing do they suppress other voices? How do they seek to represent or dictate practice? How is effort and skill distributed according to both private and public rhetoric about craft? And how does this emerge from or even contradict habitual practice?
Our experience is that knowledge of the full range of work on craft is uneven, particularly between different geographic settings. By drawing anthropologists with expertise in different places and different crafting types into conversation with each other, we hoped to leverage the power of regional discourses to cast light on problems both particular and general.
All of us had noted the significance of traffic in objects and meanings into and out of the places we studied, and were struck by how the use of different regional and topical lenses brought into focus similarities and differences between practices that might otherwise never be compared. The sum total of our ethnographic experiences examining all kinds of making and fabricating was used to unravel and then remake our assumptions about what it means to say that something is crafted, or that someone is a craftsperson.
As such, then, it marks—perhaps as it also tries to hide—cultural ruptures. If anthropology is, in part, a study of such ruptures, then our task is to track the dynamic infusions of meaning that go on in and across space. It is true that we are primarily concerned with the discursive use of craft and its ancillary terms and practices in an emic sense or the 6 CRITICAL CRAFT structure of meaning for the people we write about , but we also try to be aware of the ways in which we, as writers and ethnographers, also claim and negotiate academic understandings of craft.
When craft, or one of its synonyms for instance, artisan, handmade, maker, or whatever these may be in the language in question is evoked in the literature, what is being claimed, by whom, and for whom? And how can reflexive and careful ethnography add texture and depth to the understanding of discourses as they emerge from and interpenetrate daily practice? To be clear, we were not looking to create new universalizing concepts. Rather we are attempting to point out that craft as a phenomenon gets marshaled repeatedly across time and geography and we often speak and act as if meaning translates easily among all these nodes.
It is a semiotic vehicle that allows us to identify a claim as a signifier as it also necessitates an exploration of the local and particular contexts of each signified. Our argument, in a nutshell, is that crafting bodies, the material culture of craft, the ideas of what it means to make, sell, buy and use craft—all of these set out on their conceptual and actual travels loaded with significance and import, but recognition and understanding in the places they may be subtly or even vastly misplaced.
But this kind of sense-making in both local and global contexts is far from egalitarian. Definitions and discourses are conducted within a framework of power relations in which some, but not others, are able to align their ideas about craft with ideologies of gender and class, as well as claims to and claims against capitalism, industrialism, corporatism, and consumption.
Frank Fischer suggests that the expanding complexity of global society means that policy is influenced in no small part by a growing group of experts. Just as there are comparable economic and historical forces at work in the formation of crafts in several locations, so their similarities may emerge from alignments in the vocabulary and imaging that discourse in the global hierarchy demands.
The chapters The chapters in this volume cross-reference each other extensively, and a variety of thematic groupings could be argued for given the overlaps and divergences in the collection. Rather than assign chapters according to their affinities for particular literatures or topics, though, we decided to group them into three sections dealing in some respect with claims.
The section Contentions focuses on core questions about craft, and explores the vigorous assertions that shore up historical and local instances of craft-making or consuming. Conundrums and Conflicts go further into the practical negotiations of claims, and the kinds of political commitments, values, and negotiations of power they entail.
We hope readers will find this organization conducive to noticing similarities and differences in otherwise unexpected and unfamiliar juxtapositions. Contentions The contentions collected here all touch upon considerations of value as an economic phenomenon or as ethical practice. Style, in other words, is not a mere outcome of differential inclination or talent, but is socially managed through a workshop system in which owners take the lead in how claims to authorship are either made or submerged.
At some distance from these makers are the itinerant crafters described by Villalobos, crossing state borders in Central America in search of a fulfilling and un-alienated life, and using craft that they make or resell as a providential item of exchange and barter in the informal economy. The apparent rootedness of the Oaxacan craft, a necessary condition for it to be accorded value as a transportable item of culture, contrasts very dramatically with the jewelry and curios fabricated by mobile travelers.
Uncontroversial and socially unmarked, the buyers of arts and crafts work profess a respect for a downscaled consumerism that jibes with many of the goals of the nineteenth-century arts and crafts movement. Avoiding the ephemeral and the coarse, lovers of arts and crafts integrate an aesthetic taste with ethical practice, seeking out those goods that are made by craftspeople who are fully immersed, intellectually and sensuously, in their work. Making claims about craft is itself a contentious business, given the prevalence of moral and analytic paradigms in which craft is contrasted with industry, with the processed and artificial, and with newness and systematic obsolescence.
Querying the boundary-making processes that develop around craft is one of the key goals of this volume, and in the realm of digital media, as Lane DeNicola writes, this means demolishing the false wall that divides the material from the virtual. DeNicola reminds us that new media manifests itself in material forms; more critically, he proposes that the composition of computer code is inextricably wound up with actual tools and machines. As he goes on to enumerate the sensory and proprioceptive elements of computer engineering, it becomes apparent that the normative boundaries of material and non-material in relation to material and electronic crafting are porous, even arguably false.
We survey the integration of craft into a dynamic process of social differentiation and distinction in three industries in North India. Specifically, Naji argues that at stake in the work of farming or weaving is the construction of a moral self, defined by what one does the gendered production of carpets in Morocco as well as how one does it the mindful choice of 10 CRITICAL CRAFT organic procedures and elements in farming.
Uncertainty and risk at the upper levels of the production hierarchy combined with a paucity of capital resources at the lowest ones lead in turn to another conundrum as to how efficacious craft truly is as a development strategy. The terminologies of chocolate connoisseurship, as well as the imperative to cultivate and educate consumer taste, illustrate the influence of transnational trends to do with shifting sites of production, international trade policies, and anti-industrial discourses about food.
Yet in France, an appeal to national culinary and gustatory traditions contrasts with American preferences for the natural and unadulterated, at least among the primarily middle-class makers and consumers of fine chocolate. Similarly, the French notion of chocolate as a rare delicacy most often associated with gift-giving and hedonistic power contrasts with long-established American inclinations toward chocolate as a juvenile indulgence, enjoyed and over -consumed alone.
In this case as with others in the section, conundrums pose lingering questions to do with moral choice in concert with, or sometimes in conflict with judgments of effectiveness. How important is process versus outcome? Should one be accorded greater significance than the other, and to what extent is craft a quest to dissolve the question entirely?
Conflicts The chapters in this section illustrate how discrepant visions of craftspeople and craft meanings encounter or develop in opposition to each other. Gowlland situates contemporary Taiwanese ceramic production within the history and politics of Chinese and Taiwanese hostilities, layering his discussion much Introduction 11 as decoration is layered on the body of the ceramic vessel to reveal a set of nested contrasts whose terms have oscillated in surprising and significant ways.
As the veneer conferred both literally and figuratively by glazing has lost its association with the mainland in the wake of Chinese economic transformation, so what was industry has become craft in Taiwan, and the subordinated values of the potter found new resonance as the countries continue to adjust their relationship. Political differences and dissonances also animate the course of embroidery production in Nigeria, where, as described by Renne, power is materialized in forms of dress.
Using a metaphor of weight to illuminate power, Nigerians have literally endorsed the clothing of men in power with dense, hand-embroidered robes. Competitive regimes originating in the state and the city have their own sartorial code in kaftans, also embroidered, but without the productive structure and activities associated with baba riggan robes.
Our last two chapters immerse us back in the everyday of craft activity. Notwithstanding the fact that knitwear emerges from code, making its relationship to digital design and programming apparent, the knitting guild members with whom Rosner worked were reluctant to trade in its customary gender and low-technology implications. Mohsini explores another facet of distinction and differentiation in the world of craft labor, explaining how north Indian embroidery zardozi workers articulate and substantiate a contrast between artisan and laborer.
As real as the divide between the artisan and the mere laborer appears, it is in fact one that is crossed by embroiderers not just as they work their way up the labor hierarchy, but repeatedly as economic, social and familial circumstances allow.
Far from craft workers forming a homogeneous category, a kind of solidary index of Indian artisanal heritage, the world of zardozi is dynamic and diverse, and an embroiderer may expect to do many kinds of work in his or her productive lifetime.
Once again we see craft feature as both figure and ground inside larger social and political debates. We finish this introduction with a brief review of those we regard as most significant. Development literature struggled with the theorization of capitalism outside North America and Europe, where production did not conform to the models of manufacture and machino-facture laid out in capitalist critiques in the West. The existence of different forms of production workshops with labor discipline enforced by senior kin, for example that yet participated in a larger capitalist mode of production came to be seen as more or less permanent components of a late capitalist landscape in which a variety of forms of extraction of labor power co-exist.
The variability of organizational forms that seem entirely at home in capitalism has clouded the certainty of labor classifications, and at the same time, craft ideologies play important roles in constructing and defending boundaries between artisans and traders, employers, and designers. The existence of small workshops, dispersed labor forces, and a lack of machinery allows for craft to be deemed a plucky survival, a kind of pre-capitalist relic whose enervated practitioners can be assisted in their efforts to stay vital even as the rest of the modern world has passed them by.
If the recourse to craft takes on the status of a salvage mission for designers in India or the Philippines, in France and the US the movement towards craft is an escape from the unrelenting grind of modern living, a reconciliation of the self with materials, with nature, with patience, with time. In Nigeria, craft connects the present to the past via the sartorial distinctions offered by a choice in embroidered robes. In Central and South America, itinerant artisans too seek to slip out from under the onerous demands of capitalist living, choosing to Introduction 13 live without encumbrances, even for a short time, and to connect buyers with diversely sourced handicrafts as a way to generate some income.
Realizing that a variety of forms is normative in contemporary capitalism allows for a more robust appreciation of the place craft occupies in contemporary labor organization and commerce. But in even the most dispassionate analysis of craft economy, morality and value are never far away. Value is the more complicated partner in the association, since, as has been pointed out since Marx, one of the hallmarks of capitalism is to dissolve use value in the quantitative currencies of exchange value.
A fair wage for fair work is an acceptable if rarely honored demand in this context, but proponents of craft rarely leave moral arguments at that. Is it the discipline evidenced in pain and fatigue? Craft often therefore takes a moral stance against the unfeeling directions of capitalism, a stance that can take on the veneer of a kind of conservatism that favors the preferred values of the past. Such convictions, however, ignore both the iniquities of pre-capitalist production, and the fact that the systematic production of objects cannot help but make use of quasi-industrial relationships.
For example, the Taiwanese and Chinese factories that turn out bowls and pots are descended from forms of manufacture that have a very deep history in East Asia. Besides, if more consumers are to derive the pleasures and benefits of the crafted object surely a worthy moral goal , can this even be done without some admixture of machine and handmade processes?
These questions remain as relevant and pressing today as they were for William Morris in the nineteenth century. Senses and images Another set of connections touches upon the senses and sensory imagery in making sense of craft production, interpretation, and consumption. Alongside ocular imagery runs tactile, emotive language, in which immediacy is associated not just with a close and knowledgeable bond between buyer and maker but the engagement of maker and material.
Imaginative and kinesthetic play or struggle with the stuff clay, wool, reeds, numbers of craft lies at the core of the artisan identity, and anthropologists have a good track record of pinpointing its subtleties and intricacy, at least among those who can and want to do the finest work. For that, one needs time, and the management of time is perhaps one of the most compelling contingencies of the various crafts described here—whether it takes the form of digitized memories inserted as an interface in knitted garments, the anticipation of the glazed pot coming from the kiln, the correlation of heat sensor numbers with the cycles of nature and with human activity.
In all these ways, we see evidence of the mutual co-construction of artisans and the things they make, use, and the variables they must either exploit or be bound by. Several chapters directly deal with issues of embodiment. By finding and describing a craft aesthetic, she contributes to a small but critical literature that seeks to explore the connections between embodiment, knowledge, and the senses beyond touch see Grasseni ; Herzfeld ; Kondo ; Marchand To Rosner, the entanglement of the body in textile practice here knitting seems to lead both logically and expressively to the assimilation of digital technology.
This is not, as some may say, an instance of the supersession of the concrete by the insubstantial but rather the opening up of an established practice to different orientations toward tactility and memory. To these Naji adds the compelling rhetoric of toil in craft, the lingering marks on the body of craft as moral practice, whether they are willingly borne by French farmers or reluctantly endured by female carpet weavers in Morocco.
Introduction 15 Histories and ideologies A diffuse interest among many of us in discourses about craft as heritage or as a spur to nation-building clearly speaks to a contemporary moment in which the construction and performance of regional and national identities play out on a global stage. The two chapters in the volume that come out of India DeNicola and Wilkinson-Weber, Mohsini , with its rich heritage of crafts that are embedded in the very charters of the state cannot help but to be in conversation with this literature.
Renne explores the close connection between forms of dress and embroidery and expectations regarding the operation of state versus local power. With the state commandeering more domains to define and administer, baba riggan and their makers offer a visual and tactile connection to the past. While acknowledging that there is an evident place for region-based studies of craft within specific social formations, without the range of craft activities, values, and relationships described in these chapters, some of them familiar and some of them unexpected, we would not be able to explore as thoroughly the way in which craft is invoked as an idea, as a vocation, or as a livelihood.
The capacity of craft to link a variety of argumentative and theoretical domains together is a reflection of its contemporary power. Throughout the demonstration, Miguel introduced by name many of the artisans who work in his workshop, carving, painting, and sanding the soft copal wood into their fine finished forms. After the demonstration was over, I spoke for some time with a number of the women in the group, while the others perused the small shop where carvings were for sale.
Although the woman seemed interested in the piece, she was asking Citlali in Spanish how long she had worked there for. Soussloff 19, 34; Errington —1. In contrast, the public value of craft objects has come to be based on the idea of socially or communally produced productive skills and abilities, often thought to reflect localized place-based traditions or cultural identity, rather than being the result of the internal creative processes of individuals Metcalf Who Authors Crafts?
Thus, one of the ways that craft has been historically distinguished from art is through definitions of authorship. The objective attribution of pure creative genius to artists has, of course, been challenged by art historians, sociologists, and anthropologists, who have observed that while artists have been discursively and culturally constructed as individualized originators of aesthetic forms, in reality they produce art objects within communities of knowledge where ideas, symbols, and aesthetic positions constantly circulate.
A similar deconstruction of the myth that crafts are traditional objects produced by relatively unalienated labor has also resulted in new theoretical developments concerning the relationship between artisanship and class, skill transmission, and relations of production e. Despite these developments, the specific question of how authorship is produced in the production and circulation of craftwork has not yet received the same amount of critical attention.
In this chapter, I examine the production of the authorship of Oaxacan woodcarvings which are made in small rural villages for the tourist and ethnic art markets of Mexico and the United States. I suggest, however, that this question is also fundamental to the anthropology of art and craft, and the discipline more generally, as authorship—in its many configurations—is at the heart of current processes of privatization, neo-liberalization and the consolidation of formal property regimes at national and global levels Coombe ; May and Sell ; Thomas Exploring processes of authorship in contexts of craft production, where it has not conventionally been considered an essential feature, will provide valuable insights into the development and variable nature of authorship and cultural property more generally, thus throwing light onto key contemporary issues in anthropology.
While the variability of authorship in terms of definitions and usage has made it adaptable to a wide range of social contexts and conditions Coombe , this variability has also made its anthropological definition problematic. Following their lead, I start from the position that authorship can be understood as an ongoing, inalienable connection between an object and its producer, despite its being sold or given away.
However, while authorship itself may be helpfully conceived as inalienable attachment, I argue that only charting inalienable connections between objects and producers is not sufficient for fully understanding the production of authorship in contexts where more than one person may be involved in their making. Instead, I suggest that along with processes of attachment, equal attention must be paid to the processes of detachment that take place between objects and people.
By charting the processes by which inalienability and alienability are produced in a given context, the nature of authorship, and therefore its social and political implications, can be more fully appreciated.
Who Authors Crafts? Recently, anthropologists working on craft have argued that presenting production as successive steps within coherent and linear processes naturalizes and generalizes the experiences of craftspeople and diminishes our ability to fully comprehend the making of objects Wood ; Venkatesan The second, based firmly in phenomenological anthropology, focuses on the material practices of craftspeople and seeks to parse the observable steps of production in order to grasp what is happening in terms of experience, perception, emotions, and the senses e.
This idea suggests that what distinguishes the special kind of embodied knowledge of artisanal and creative production from other kinds of material knowledge is the dynamic way that the artisan feels connected to the objects and tools as she works. This connection is understood to be created through the enactment of complex systems of tacit knowledge that have been incorporated into the body through practice and repetition, rather than through the mental comprehension of explicit instructions.
Indeed for Marx, artisans represented unalienated labor par excellence, especially in contrast to the exploitative experiences of factory workers  In contrast, Marx and the Arts and Crafts thinkers assumed craftspeople avoided this selfestrangement through their control of the work process and their apparent heightened sensuous experience of the process, materials, and forms. Based on their research with stonemasons at Glasgow Cathedral, they instead suggest that artisanal practice is made up of jointly emerging conditions of both engagement and detachment, where detachment is understood not in opposition to engagement, but rather as a different kind of material participation within the overall production process.
Yarrow and Jones report, for example, that stonemasons work to intentionally detach themselves from the specific stones they have carved in order to subsume their own work into the greater, unified identity of the cathedral as a whole —1.
By extending attachment-and-detachment in this way, light can be shed not only on the inalienable bond perceived between the Who Authors Crafts? I suggest that these processes of attachmentand-detachment play out in different ways depending on the structure of the workshop in which they take place.
As they are produced in small picturesque villages in householdworkshops where both men and women contribute to their production, the woodcarvings appear to reaffirm popular notions that craftwork is less alienated, and more personal than mass-produced, industrialized goods Hickey 84—6; Greenhalgh — Despite their current status as authentic Oaxacan cultural products, the woodcarvings produced today are not traditional in the usual sense of the word; they have a comparatively short history and the aesthetic styles in which they are executed cannot be straightforwardly described as uniquely Oaxacan.
By the s, with the help of investment and guidance from craft wholesalers, he developed a particular style, taking inspiration from picture books of Mexican folktales and other traditional crafts Chibnik 23—6; Brulotte 28— Waterbury ; Carrier —4; Milgram this volume. Other artisans also frequently purchase unpainted carvings from more remote villages, which they paint, sign, and sell alongside their own carvings see Chibnik 50—1; 83—6.
That their authenticity for tourists and collectors is closely tied to their production by rural Oaxacans was rather forcefully demonstrated to me one day as I was helping an artisan paint her carvings during the busy lead-up to Christmas. Cant ; Terrio —9; Wood —14; but contrast with Villalobos, this volume. For many tourists I interviewed, seeing woodcarvings being made in the household-workshop environment made them more desirable than only seeing finished pieces in shops and galleries.
These debates are conditioned by the local view of authorship, which is constituted through the idioms of nombres names and estilos styles. The power of nombres must not be underestimated: as in other art markets, many collectors are especially concerned to have pieces by already-established artisans, while their unknown neighbors may not even warrant a visit. Because of this uncertainty, the content and rights to styles were frequently a source of discussion and concern amongst artisans. The pieces made there almost always conform to the general aesthetic characteristics established in the early years of Oaxacan woodcarving: they represent animals or traditional Mexican folk characters and are painted in the bold, bright hues that are common in other Mexican art and craftwork.
While this consistency is maintained, to no small degree, by the expectations of consumers, guides, and state actors, individual artisans are also understood to have personal styles in which they execute their work. Although they are never explicitly articulated as such, estilos are locally understood as the property of named individuals, rather than being traits of carvings alone, and it is estilo that allows the authorship of some carvings to be instantly recognizable to artisans as well as collectors.
Although the popular and academic literatures about Oaxacan woodcarvings, as well as artisans themselves, discursively frame estilos as belonging to named individuals, I argue that styles actually adhere to workshops as spatio-social entities that themselves are owned. In most cases, those who work in the same workshop produce the same style of carving and painting. There are, of course, a few exceptions to this rule: one artisan in his late fifties and his adult son work together in their household compound, where both live with their families.
Their work, however, is quite distinct, and the son Who Authors Crafts? She paints almost all of the pieces her husband carves, and has worked to develop her own painting style, which has become characteristic of their work together. In cases where workshops carry the name of the family e. Carving and painting are frequently undertaken by different members of the workshop, as carving is generally only done by men and older boys.
Despite the fact that it is in the painting where style is most visibly recognizable, authorship attaches in most cases to the author of the form. Thus, the notion that unique styles of carvings are the creations of adult male woodcarvers works to detach authorship from the women and children who frequently participate in their production.
As the piece formed by a carver is completed, he relinquishes aesthetic control to the painter who then takes it forward. While this does not constitute a complete detachment from the object, as carvers continue to acknowledge and point out which carvings they have made, they no longer consider them objects with which they can materially engage.
This suggests to me that the inalienable connection that Weiner and others have observed between people and objects may be one of degrees; that different kinds of alienability and inalienability may co-exist, depending on the nature of the relations that are involved within production and circulation. The ability to work on a piece or have decision-making power about its form or color, however, does not necessarily translate to a full recognition of authorship. These interconnected processes of detachment and attachment are conceptually reinforced through the idiom of estilo, which is produced and reproduced—but not necessarily recognized—at the level of the workshop.
Despite the fact that many talented artisans work for them, Miguel and Catalina are considered the true authors of the woodcarvings by virtue of the fact that they are regarded as the authors and owners of the estilo in which the carvings are made. Their style of carving was initially developed by Miguel over a period of approximately three years in the early s as he and Catalina worked to develop their nombre.
Today, Miguel very rarely carves pieces himself, and yet the creative work of authorship is still considered to have been done by him, even when employees produce specific forms that he has never made. However, it is not just the products of the workshop that are seen as specifically belonging to Miguel and Catalina, but the style itself.
David, one of the painters, also helps his own parents paint their carvings in the evenings after he has finished work. Jaime, who is the son of another well-known artisan and has worked for Miguel and Catalina for over three years, is considered one of the most talented painters in their workshop. For example, he will often insert a space within the usual geometric lines in which he might paint a scene, such as women making tortillas, or ancient Mexicans building pyramids.
He also said it was more fun working in the large workshop with others his own age than at home with his small family. The aesthetic understandings of Oaxacan woodcarvers and other members of their art world work to maintain the authorial and inalienable connection between named artisans and the woodcarvings that are produced in their workshops, while at the same time work to detach the carvings from others who are also intimately involved in their production.
In reality, however, the conditions of the market mean that some named artisans are more successful than others, and that many artisans are not recognized by names at all. These complex processes of attachment-and-detachment are made most visible in moments of uncertain authorship, such as when artisans paint and sign carvings made by others in remote villages. However, these processes are equally present in the more commonplace practices within workshops, which are promoted by the art world itself, where the ownership of styles subsumes the authorship of women, children, and employed laborers.
My data suggests the possibility that inalienable connections may be of degrees and that different kinds of alienability and inalienability may co-exist, indicating rich opportunities for future research by craft scholars. Many of the other chapters in this volume provide vivid ethnographic accounts of processes that can be usefully Who Authors Crafts? Like Yarrow and Jones, Gowlland observes that the practices of artisans constitute material attachments and detachments between objects and producers.
At the same time, he suggests that discourses of skill and value work to elevate those who work with glaze, while simultaneously demote those who work with clay. These discourses also intersect with complex understandings of the nation, as the history of Taiwanese ceramics is inexorably linked to China, creating an historical and highly political dissonance with Taiwanese nationalism. The chapters by Fran Mascia-Lees and Millaray Villalobos provide thoughtprovoking examples of how detachment may not always be imposed onto unwilling subjects, but may also provide actors with opportunities and means through which to create meaningful experience.
At the same time, their practices also detach their products from some of the ideologies of craft I described above; their intentional impermanence in places challenges the often-held notions that crafts are grounded in places and cultures, and that artisans necessarily form coherent social classes.
The material practices of travelling artisans, such as the ways they use found materials or recycle the work of others, challenge current configurations of the relationship between artisans and materials, and these material practices also may detach these 34 CRITICAL CRAFT objects from their original intended uses. Although these studies show that detachment need not necessarily be experienced as alienation, my own work with Oaxacan woodcarvers indicates that it may be a means through which certain kinds of disempowerment may be established.
While previous studies have considered how alienation and exploitation may be created through relations of power between smallscale producers and other actors within the global economy e. This suggests that it is crucial for anthropologists of craft to pay attention not only to the moments in production and marketing practices where power is overtly enacted, such as in piecework and wholesaling activities, but also within more subtle contexts of material and aesthetic practice, so that we can more fully address the nature of power that is produced through the relationships between material objects and people.
There I experienced a profound shift, a tremor in the academic bedrock of that venerable craft known as book publishing, and it would be the first of many under the tectonic forces of digital technology. This was reinforced, I hasten to add, by the reaction of the other attendees, many of whom looked back at their programs as if to double-check that this was in fact the annual meeting of the AAA. If not, what were we left blinded to?
Prior to my graduate training in the social sciences, between and I was employed as an analyst and computer programmer at large, federally funded research and development centers in the US. A central objective in this chapter is to order and present these observations along three axes with clear relevance to craft: materiality, aesthetics, and embodiment. Programming as a practice and vocation is conventionally relegated to an extreme corner of the conceptual space articulated in these themes, at once steeped in the immaterial e.
IT entrepreneurs, hackers, and digital artisans One of the most captivating figures introduced early on in my undergraduate education was Donald Knuth. A professor emeritus of computer science at Stanford, Knuth is known for a variety of achievements, including most famously his multi-volume magnum opus, The Art of Computer Programming hereafter, AoCP.
In situating the work, Knuth himself explained: computer programming is an art, because it applies accumulated knowledge to the world, because it requires skill and ingenuity, and especially because it produces objects of beauty. A programmer who subconsciously views himself as an artist will enjoy what he does and will do it better. A derivative of the Romantic genius of the Victorian era Galison , the geek is a socially inept savant, possessing arcane knowledge and sequestered away, poring through obscure tomes or in the millennial incarnation, through lines of code , physically anemic as a result of an inordinately sedentary lifestyle.
Yet his relevance to the present discussion is in his contrast with other archetypal figures of the Digital Era. For example, compare the celebrity figures of Bill Gates and Steve Jobs. Like so much else in the modern built environment, computers are simply to be used, they are not to be maintained or deeply altered by the consumer, nor are they to be durable beyond a certain industry-determined horizon of obsolescence roughly 3—5 years in the early s.
But when users of the Macintosh talked about its transparency, they were talking about seeing their documents and programs represented by attractive and easy-to-interpret icons. They were referring to an ability to make things work without needing to go below the screen surface. In a culture of simulation, when people say that something is transparent, they mean that they can see how to make it work, not that they know how it works Turkle On the other hand, Knuth and AoCP need also to be distinguished from another discursive figure, already mentioned and conspicuous within digital lore: the hacker.
While clearly a practitioner of the craft, his unflinching politicization of free software and the open source movement is perceived by many working programmers as a superfluous sullying of that craft, akin to the way some working carpenters for example see sustainably harvested lumber, the avoidance of polluting vendors, or a predilection for humanpowered tools as the luxuries or ideological identifications of middle-class hobbyists, elite consumers, or religious zealots.
Even within a single organization there is a material and phenomenological diversity apparent among programmers, information architects, interface designers, 3D modelers, network or database administrators, test or release engineers and so on.
With this in mind, my intention in this analysis is to remain cognizant of the overlap between craft as a livelihood, a political enunciation, a vehicle for identity construction, and a mode of engagement with the world.
Plain text as raw material An ancient metaphor: thought is a thread, and the raconteur is a spinner of yarns but the true storyteller, the poet, is a weaver. The scribes made this old and audible abstraction into a new and visible fact. After long practice, their work took on such an even, flexible texture that they called the written page a textus, which means cloth Bringhurst A conventional tenet of the Digital Era is immateriality, both as an intrinsic virtue and as characteristic of the present historical moment.
At once derivative of the ephemerality of light, the transparency of glass, and the animate qualities attributed to electricity and televisual media, digital culture is a source of redemption partly through its putative liberation from our dependence on physical substance. Anthropological inquiry into material culture proceeds from the idea that the relations between people and artifacts are reciprocal.
Just as people make things, things make people in the sense that things can shape or mediate social relations, act as powerful vehicles of meaning, and reify human values through their production, exchange, display, and curation Tilley et al. I mean, thank you so much. I'm eating chips while doing this right now. Thank you so much. And your answer is nothing, I really didn't get an answer for this.
I'm just talking and talking, but I hope you have a good day and I'm eating chips hi. Five years ago, Benjamin invested in Parchar Special Effects. Each bond had an interest rate of 7. Today, bonds from Parchar Special Effects have a market rate of If Benjamin liquidates his portfolio and sells all of his investments, which aspect of his investment will have yielded him a greater total profit, and how much greater is it? I will make you the brainliest Please answerWhat is the difference between an objective plot summary and a theme-based.
Question: I will make you the brainliest Please answer What is the difference between an objective plot summary and a theme-based summary? A summary for "The Purple Balloon" is discussed below in complete details. Explanation: When a child enhances informed of his indeterminate death children manage to understand long before the rest of us even crave to acknowledge it and is given the opportunity to describe his sentiments, he will frequently paint a blue or purple balloon, delivered and unencumbered, on its way skyward.
Thank you so much Explanation: And your answer is nothing, I really didn't get an answer for this. Step-by-step explanation:. Show your work. Read question From their eyes are only watching god How many kids does ms. From their eyes are only watching god If the profit at the end of the year amount to RS. Othello Act 3 What new information do we learn about each of the characters in this act?
Othello Act Tell whether the function shows growth or decay. Based on the stage direction, the reader should imagine Tommy as Its multiple choice. What is the big problem in "the girl who fell from the sky"?
I was only twenty-three years old. I knew I deserved a weekend. Saturday afternoon found us particularly motivated, and we managed to saunter round the city center for a few hours. By the time we made it back to her apartment, we were exhausted and happy and spent the rest of the night watching old movies and eating pizza. The country even has a Rugby Museum. But more than 90 percent of Libya is desert, and there's not a single permanent river in Libya!
They do not often produce sportsmen or sportswomen who are successful in world basketball championships but they help young people to keep fit and look athletic. Japanese students attend classes five and a half days a week. The half day is on Saturday. Patrick is the patron saint of Ireland. On March 17 there is a great celebration with the major parade in Dublin and smaller parades all over Ireland. When the class was over, Heather sprinted to the bookstore, grabbed a copy and rushed to the cashier.
The cashier saw Heather and began ringing the bell for assistance, a look of panic on her face. English Heritage English Heritage is a public body within the British Government that looks after historic sites. His works have been translated into more than 40 languages and have sold tens of millions of copies in different countries. But on this Saturday morning he had a specific purpose when he arrived at the grand old building on the Strand. His first call was to the Royal London Hospital, Whitechapel, where he quickly discovered the records office was not open on weekends.
He then dialed Ravenscar and was put through to Edward Deravenel. It will finally put her mind at rest. He felt happy. You have received a letter from your English-speaking pen-friend Mary who writes Summer is coming and I want to look my best: healthy, energetic and physically fit. So I'm trying to eat plain, simply cooked natural food, have enough sleep at night and I have recently joined our local fitness club.
Do you do anything special to stay healthy? What makes people healthy and strong? What do you think about a healthy lifestyle? By the way, I m going to spend a month at the seaside this summer Write a letter to Mary. In your letter answer her questions, ask 3 questions about her coming summer holidays.
Write — words. Remember the rules of letter writing. You have 20 minutes to do this task. Comment on the following statement: Public libraries are becoming less popular and they will soon disappear. What is your opinion? Do you agree with this statement? Imagine that you are preparing a project with your friend.
You have found some interesting material for the presentation and you want to read this text to your friend. You have 1. You will not have more than 1. How many nostrils do you have? This discovery came from observing how fish breathe. Fish get their oxygen from water. Most of them have two pairs of nostrils, a forward-facing set for letting water in and a pair of «exhaust pipes» for letting it out again.
The question is, if humans evolved from fishes, where did the other pair of nostrils go. The answer is that they migrated back inside the head to become internal. To do this they somehow had to work their way back through the teeth. Similar gaps between the teeth can also be seen at an early stage of the human birth.
When they fail to join up, the result is a cleft palate. So one ancient fish explains two ancient human mysteries. The most recent research on noses, incidentally, shows that we use each of our two external nostrils to detect different smells. Choose one photo to present to your friend.
Study the two photographs. You have to talk continuously. Dear Mary, Thank you for your letter. I'm sorry for not writing you for so long. I spent my time doing a school project. I hope that all your efforts will show a great result. I try to care more about my health lately: I try to avoid unhealthy and fat food.
Also I train every morning and go to the gym. I think that sport and healthy food are the most important components of being healthy and strong. Anyway, you've mentioned holidays. With whom are you going to the seaside? Why have you decided to spend the month there? What exactly are you going to do? I've got to go as my dad is asking me to help him with his car.
Write back soon. Best wishes, Kate. There are people who consider that there wont be any needed in public libraries and it become less popular today. However, others argue saying that public libraries will still survive and people will go there at all times. There are two good reasons why I think that public libraries have a chance to exist. Firstly , there are few new books in the libraries nowdays. It is costly to renew the collection every month or even week because more than magazines are published with a high speed.
Secondly, it is more convenient to find and read books on the Internet. In a few seconds you can choose from a list of books the one you are interested in and load it or start reading on-line. Nevertheless, some people think that libraries function as cultural centers and homes for rare books. Libraries organise music concerts and poetry parties for local people. These events will attract both older people who are pensioners and younger people who study at school.
Young people also prefer very differ entertainments but not poetry readings or classical music concerts. To sum up, although there are people who think that libraries will survive ,I believe that there is no future for them. You could ask following questions: 1 What services do you provide? When I finally finished all my work I decided to leave my home town and spend 3 months on the resort.
One of my friends inclined towards going with me but at the last minute he refused to go. I was amazed by the excellent work of the staff at that resort. All employees were very friendly and attentive. They always suggested their help. And the view was incredible. I took the photo when I first visited the local swimming pool. I didn't expect to see such incredible view. The whole island could be seen form that spot and this place was the most popular among tourists.
According to Bryce Larson, the group"s leader, the bones are from a large brachiosaurus. These animals 7 existed, exist approximately million years ago and are counted amongst the largest dinosaurs that ever 8 walked walk the Earth. Other brachiosaurus remains 9 have been found find in the Morrison, but these latest bones are very large and may prove to come from the largest dinosaurs anyone 10 has discovered discover to date.
Since the first bones 12 were found find there in , it 13 has produced produce tonnes of material. It seems that the latest find could reveal even more about the giants of the Jurassic. By 6 o"clock the rain hadn"t stopped. Choose the correct option. You"ll never get better if you don"t eat. You"ve touched your dinner!
Listen to the recording and put the topics covered in this extract into the correct order. Match the words with their meanings. Money that is given to someone to thank them for doing something. The continuous infinitive refers to the same time as that of the preceding verb and expresses an action in progress or happening over a period of time.
The identified megatrends of today are an aging population, globalization, increasing technological change , urbanization, prosperity, increased network speed, and just the speed of everyday life.
Learning to be a Man: Culture, Socialization and Gender Identity in Five years, the World Bank has consistently highlighted gender issues in its annual. Five years ago, benjamin invested in parchar special effects. he purchased four par value $ bonds from parchar special effects at a market rate of. Five years ago, benjamin invested in parchar special effects. he purchased four par value $1, bonds from parchar special effects at a.